Human-Rights (5 TH Year)

Describing Consciousness

Consciousness is an individual’s state of awareness of their environment, thoughts, feelings, or sensations; in order to experience consciousness, one must be both awake and aware.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

Trace the history of the study of consciousness

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Key Points

• Philosophers since the time of Descartes and Locke have struggled to comprehend the nature of consciousness and pin down its essential properties.
• The study of consciousness helps scientists shed light on the inner workings of psychology and neuroscience. Scientists who study consciousness examine the relationship between stated perception and neural activity.
• The majority of experimental studies assess consciousness by asking human subjects for a verbal report of their experiences and then comparing their answers with the corresponding neural activity.
• While primary sensory areas of the brain are often involved in perception, it is the higher brain areas such as the primary cortex that are required for consciousness to occur.
• Issues of interest in consciousness research include phenomena such as perception, subliminal perception, blindsight, anosognosia, brainwaves during sleep, and altered states of consciousness produced by psychoactive drugs or spiritual or meditative techniques.

Key Terms

• anosognosia: The inability of a person to recognize his or her own illness or handicap.
• subliminal perception: Perception that is below the threshold of consciousness.
• blindsight: The responsivity shown by some blind or partially blind people to visual stimuli of which they are not consciously aware.

Consciousness is the quality or state of being aware of an external object or something within oneself, such as thoughts, feelings, memories, or sensations. It has also been defined in the following ways: sentience, awareness, subjectivity, the ability to experience or to feel, wakefulness, having a sense of selfhood, and the executive-control system of the mind. At one time, consciousness was viewed with skepticism by many scientists, but in recent years, it has become a significant topic of research in psychology and neuroscience.

Philosophy of Consciousness

Despite the difficulty in coming to a definition, many philosophers believe that there is a broadly shared underlying intuition about what consciousness is. Philosophers since the time of Descartes and Locke have struggled to comprehend the nature of consciousness and pin down its essential properties. Issues of concern in the philosophy of consciousness include the following: whether consciousness can ever be explained mechanistically; whether non-human consciousness exists, and if so, how it can be recognized; how consciousness relates to language; whether consciousness can be understood in a way that does not require a dualistic distinction between mental and physical states or properties; and whether it may ever be possible for computers or robots to be conscious.

The Mind-Body Problem

The mind-body problem is essentially the problem of consciousness; roughly speaking, it is the question of how mental experiences arise from a physical entity.  How are our mental states, beliefs, actions, and thinking related to our physical states, bodily functions, and external events, given that the body is physical and the mind is non-physical?

The first and most important philosopher to address this conundrum was René Descartes in the 17^th century, and his answer was termed Cartesian dualism. The explanation behind Cartesian dualism is that consciousness resides within an immaterial domain he called res cogitans (the realm of thought), in contrast to the domain of material things, which he called res extensa (the realm of extension). He suggested that the interaction between these two domains occurs inside the brain. He further suggested the pineal glad as the point of interaction, but was later challenged several times on this claim. These challenges sparked some key initial research on consciousness, which we will discuss shortly.

Early Ideas on Consciousness

For over 2000 years, questions surrounding human consciousness—such as how the everyday inner workings of our brains give rise to a single cohesive reality and a sense of an individual self—have been baffling philosophers from Plato to Descartes. Descartes, as previously mentioned, is noted for his dualist theory of consciousness, in which the physical body is separate from the immaterial mind. He also gave us the most famous summary of human consciousness: “I think, therefore I am.”

The historical materialism of Karl Marx rejects the mind-body dichotomy, and holds that consciousness is engendered by the material contingencies of one’s environment. John Locke, another early philosopher, claimed that consciousness, and therefore personal identity, are independent of all substances. He pointed out that there is no reason to assume that consciousness is tied to any particular body or mind, or that consciousness cannot be transferred from one body or mind to another.

American psychologist William James compared consciousness to a stream—unbroken and continuous despite constant shifts and changes. While the focus of much of the research in psychology shifted to purely observable behaviors during the first half of the twentieth century, research on human consciousness has grown tremendously since the 1950s.

Current Research on Consciousness

Today, the primary focus of consciousness research is on understanding what consciousness means both biologically and psychologically. It questions what it means for information to be present in consciousness, and seeks to determine the neural and psychological correlates of consciousness. Issues of interest include phenomena such as perception, subliminal perception, blindsight, anosognosia, brainwaves during sleep, and altered states of consciousness produced by psychoactive drugs or spiritual or meditative techniques.

The majority of experimental studies assess consciousness by asking human subjects for a verbal report of their experiences. However, in order to confirm the significance of these verbal reports, scientists must compare them to the activity that simultaneously takes place in the brain—that is, they must look for the neural correlates of consciousness. The hope is to find that observable activity in a particular part of the brain, or a particular pattern of global brain activity, will be strongly predictive of conscious awareness. Several brain-imaging techniques, such as EEG and fMRI scans, have been used for physical measures of brain activity in these studies.

Higher brain areas are more widely accepted as necessary for consciousness to occur, especially the prefrontal cortex, which is involved in a range of higher cognitive functions collectively known as executive functions.

Prefrontal cortex: This image shows the location of the prefrontal cortex, an area of the brain heavily involved in consciousness.

A History of Theories of Consciousness

Theories of consciousness include developmental, cultural, neural, computational, and moral perspectives.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

Critique the major theories about human consciousness

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Key Points

• First appearing in the historical records of the ancient Mayan and Incan civilizations, various theories of multiple levels of consciousness have pervaded spiritual, psychological, medical, and moral speculations in both Eastern and Western cultures.
• The Ancient Mayans were among the first to propose an organized sense of each level of consciousness, its purpose, and its temporal connection to humankind.
• Sigmund Freud divided human consciousness into three levels of awareness: the conscious, preconscious, and unconscious.
• Modern psychological approaches to understanding consciousness include developmental, social, and neuropsychological; each contribute a different understanding of what consciousness might be.

Key Terms

• consciousness: The state of being aware; awareness to both internal and external stimuli.
• Sigmund Freud: (1856–1939) An Austrian neurologist who became known as the founding father of psychoanalysis.

Historical Theories of Consciousness

Mayan and Incan Theories of Consciousness

First appearing in the historical records of the ancient Mayan and Incan civilizations, various theories of multiple levels of consciousness have pervaded spiritual, psychological, medical, and moral speculations in both Eastern and Western cultures. Consciousness can be defined as human awareness to both internal and external stimuli. Because of occasional and sometimes substantial overlap between hypotheses, there have recently been attempts to combine perspectives to form new models that integrate components of separate viewpoints.

The Ancient Mayans were among the first to propose an organized sense of each level of consciousness, its purpose, and its temporal connection to humankind. Because consciousness incorporates stimuli from the environment as well as internal stimuli, the Mayans believed it to be the most basic form of existence, capable of evolution. The Incas, however, considered consciousness a progression not only of awareness but of concern for others as well.

John Locke on Consciousness

John Locke, a 17th-century philosopher, was one of the first to speak and write on consciousness. He believed that our identity was tied to our consciousness, which he essentially defined as what passes through a man’s mind, or memories. He also asserted that our consciousness is not tied to our physical bodies, and that it can survive even after our physical bodies die. In fact, Locke held that consciousness could be transferred from one soul to another.

René Descartes on Consciousness

René Descartes also addressed the idea of consciousness in the 17th century. He set out to answer the question of how it is possible that our consciousness, a non-physical thing, can come from our bodies, a physical thing. The explanation he came up with was called Cartesian dualism; in short, consciousness resides within an immaterial domain he called res cogitans (the realm of thought), in contrast to the domain of material things, which he called res extensa (the realm of extension). He suggested that the interaction between these two domains occurs inside the brain.

Sigmund Freud on Consciousness

While Eastern perspectives on consciousness have remained relatively stable over the centuries, fluctuations in theory have come to define the Western perspective. One of the most popular Western theories is that of Sigmund Freud, medical doctor and father of psychoanalytic theory. Freud divided human consciousness into three levels of awareness: the conscious, preconscious, and unconscious. Each of these levels corresponds and overlaps with Freud’s ideas of the id, ego, and superego. The conscious level consists of all the things we are aware of, including things we know about ourselves and our surroundings. The preconscious consists of things we could pay conscious attention to if we so desired, and is where many memories are stored for easy retrieval. Freud saw the preconscious as comprised of thoughts that are unconscious at the particular moment in question, but that are not repressed and are therefore available for recall and easily capable of becoming conscious (for example, the tip-of-the-tongue effect). The unconscious consists of things that are outside of conscious awareness, including many memories, thoughts, and urges of which we are not aware. Much of what is stored in the unconscious is thought to be unpleasant or conflicting; for example, sexual impulses that are deemed unacceptable. While these elements are stored out of our awareness, they are nevertheless thought to influence our behavior.

Freud’s levels of consciousness: This figure illustrates the respective levels of the id, ego, and superego. The part above water is known as the conscious level; the top level of waves just below the surface and above the white line is the preconscious level; and the bottom level is the unconscious.

Modern Theories of Consciousness

While Freud’s theory remains one of the best known, various schools in the field of psychology have developed their own perspectives, which we will explore below. It is important to note that these perspectives are not necessarily mutually exclusive, just different approaches to the same questions.

Developmental Psychology on Consciousness

Developmental psychologists view consciousness not as a single entity, but as a developmental process with potential higher stages of cognitive, moral, and spiritual quality. They posit that consciousness changes over time, in quality and in degree: an infant’s consciousness is qualitatively different than a toddler’s, a teenager’s, or an adult’s. Abnormal development also affects consciousness, as do mental illnesses.

Social Psychology on Consciousness

Social psychologists view consciousness as a product of cultural influence having little to do with the individual. For instance, because different cultures speak different languages, they also codify reality differently. That difference in codification leads to differences in the experience of reality, and therefore of consciousness. Language is the main mechanism for transmitting a mode of consciousness, and an analysis of language can to some extent reveal the mentality of people who speak that language.

Neuropsychology on Consciousness

Neuropsychologists view consciousness as ingrained in neural systems and organic brain structures. A major part of the modern scientific literature on consciousness consists of studies that examine the relationship between the experiences reported by subjects and the activity that simultaneously takes place in their brains—that is, studies of the neural correlates of consciousness. The hope is to find activity in a particular part of the brain, or a particular pattern of global brain activity, that will be strongly predictive of conscious awareness. Several brain-imaging techniques, such as EEG and fMRI, have been used for physical measures of brain activity in these studies.

Neural Underpinnings of Consciousness

The neural correlates of consciousness (NCC) refer to the relationship between the experiences reported by subjects and the activity that simultaneously takes place in their brains.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

Analyze the neural mechanisms underpinning conscious awareness

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Key Points

• Consciousness is the awareness of the self in space and time. Researchers attempt to study states of human consciousness and differences in perception in order to understand how the body works to produce conscious awareness.
• Neural correlates of consciousness (NCC) are sets of neurons and series of events necessary for conscious perception. Neural correlates in the brain have been found to be both redundant and parallel, which makes pinpointing brain activity difficult for researchers.
• Consciousness varies in both arousal and content. We have two types of conscious experience: phenomenal, or in the moment, and access, which recalls experiences from memory.
• Neural correlates of consciousness are studied using fMRI and EEG scans, which attempt to locate brain activity. The most popular stimuli for these studies has become visual tests as they are easily recorded and manipulated.

Key Terms

• arousal: A physiological and psychological state of being awake or reactive to stimuli, including elevated heart rate and blood pressure, and a condition of sensory alertness, mobility, and readiness to respond.
• consciousness: The state of being aware; awareness to both internal and external stimuli.

Consciousness is the awareness of the self, the environment, and the relationship between these two distinct worlds. From ancient philosophers to modern-day scientists, many people have struggled to understand, research, and document the processes involved in human consciousness. Thanks in large part to advances in medicine, science, and psychology, we have learned much about how states of consciousness are created. Current research studies the neural correlates of consciousness by examining experiences reported by subjects and recording the simultaneous activity that takes place in their brains. Researchers continue to search for brain activity or global brain patterns that can be predictive of conscious awareness.

Neural Correlates of Consciousness (NCC)

The neural correlates of consciousness (NCC) refer to the relationship between the experiences reported by subjects and the activity that simultaneously takes place in their brains. The physical world is perceived by human consciousness through the senses, which funnel stimuli and information into the central nervous system, and eventually the brain. The brain is the major organ implicated in turning physical stimuli into thoughts and actions. The study of NCC seeks to link objective, observable, neural activity to subjective, unobservable, conscious phenomena. While discovering and characterizing neural correlates cannot offer its own theory of consciousness, the data and findings may one day lead to such a discovery.

Neural correlates of consciousness: The study of neural correlates of consciousness seeks to link activity within the brain to subjective human experiences in the physical world.

Neural networks have been found to have a large amount of redundancy and parallelism, such that activity in one set of neurons cannot necessarily be said to correlate with the same perception over time. Scientists believe it may be the case that every phenomenal, subjective state has its own neural correlate. Continued advances in the ability to stimulate or induce activity in certain brain regions or sets of neural networks will help scientists answer ever more complicated questions about the characteristics and commonalities among neural correlates.

Neurobiology and Consciousness

The science of consciousness sets out to explain the precise relationship between subjective mental states and brain states, the relationship between the conscious mind and the electro-chemical interactions in the body. Progress in this arena has come from focusing on the body rather than the mind. In this context, the neuronal correlates of consciousness may be viewed as its causes, and consciousness may be thought of as a state-dependent property of some complex, adaptive, and highly interconnected biological system.

Most neurobiologists assume that the variables giving rise to consciousness are to be found at the neuronal level, governed by classical physics. More than ever before, neuroscientists are able to manipulate neurons
using methods from molecular biology combined with state-of-the-art optical tools (e.g., Adamantidis et al., 2007). Neuronal analysis and brain imaging techniques have become so fine-grained that a rational understanding of consciousness is within reach.

Dimensions of Neural Consciousness: Arousal and Content

Neuronal consciousness is often described as involving two distinct dimensions: arousal and content. In order for the brain to be conscious of any type of content, it must be in a high state of arousal. While awake and dreaming states are fundamentally different states of consciousness, they are both high-arousal, and thus allow for perception. Sleep is just one of the many types of consciousness we can experience and comprises several states of consciousness itself. Consciousness can also be phenomenal, such as our experiences in real time, or access, such as recalling a state of being or feeling.

Brain Areas Implicated in Consciousness

Another idea that has drawn attention for several decades is that consciousness is associated with high-frequency (gamma band) oscillations in brain activity. This idea arose from proposals in the 1980s, by Christof von der Malsburg and Wolf Singer, that gamma oscillations may link information represented in different parts of the brain into a unified experience.

Several studies have demonstrated that activity in primary sensory areas of the brain is not sufficient to produce consciousness: it is possible for subjects to report a lack of awareness even when areas such as the primary visual cortex show clear electrical responses to a stimulus. Higher brain areas are seen as more promising, especially the prefrontal cortex, which is involved in a range of executive (higher-order) functions. There is substantial evidence that a “top-down” flow of neural activity (i.e., activity propagating from the frontal cortex to sensory areas) is more predictive of consciousness than a “bottom-up” flow of activity. The prefrontal cortex is not the only candidate area, however: studies have shown that visually responsive neurons in parts of the temporal lobe reflect the visual perception in the situation when conflicting visual images are presented to different eyes.

Brain Imaging and Consciousness

One popular theory implicates different patterns of brain waves in producing different states of consciousness. Researchers can record brain waves, or tracings of electrical activity within the brain, using an electroencephalograph (EEG) and placing electrodes on the scalp. The four types of brain waves (alpha, beta, theta, and delta) each correspond with one mental state (relaxed, alert, lightly asleep, and deeply asleep, respectively).

Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) scans, can also be used to measure physical activity in the brain that correlates with different conscious states and perceptions. The ease in which visual perceptions can be manipulated in time and space has made visual studies, such as the Necker cube, one of the most preferred modalities for studying the neural correlates of consciousness. These studies take a seemingly simple and unambiguous visual stimulus and record differences in its subjective perception by a study participant. The cube, for instance, is 12 basic lines that can be interpreted in two different depths, creating a visual illusion. Scientists are interested in locating which neural correlates lead to differing mental interpretations.

Tikhomirov’s and his colleagues’ works revealed complicated emotional regulation of the performance of intellectual tasks (Tikhomirov, 1984). This regulation seems to be in the field of the self-correction of transgressions. Despite the improvement of technological resources in contemporary human society, the amount of intolerance, discrimination, and violence has not diminished. More conservative people see the solution of these problems in the development of the penitentiary system, from sanctions imposed on parents to criminal sanctions. Liberally oriented people see the solution in the humanization of family and school upbringing. In turn, good nurturance and upbringing can be viewed as successful only if people are able to autonomously correct their mistakes and improve their bjehavior. This ability essentially is described as conscience.

The American Psychological Association’s definition of conscience is “an individual’s sense of right and wrong. In psychoanalysis, conscience is the SUPE- REGO, or ethical component of personality, which acts as judge and critic of one’s actions and attitudes” (APA Dictionary of Psychology, 2007, p. 218). Changing ethical to inner and adding the estimation of other persons’ actions, we can get a balanced definition of conscience: an inner component of personality that acts as judge and critic of one’s own and others’ actions according to one’s values. This definition is in agreement with Freud’s and Allport’s descriptions (Allport, 1955; Freud, 1923/1968). In contemporary psychology the closest construct to conscience seems to be self-control of social behavior. Its function is signaling an important discrepancy or a gap between our social behavior, on the one hand, and our values, goals, and beliefs, on the other. According to psychoanalytical and socio-cultural approaches, this self-control grows through the internalization of social (first of all, parents’) control (Freud, 1923/1968; Mead, 1934; Vygotsky, 1984).

However, how can we be sure that twinges of conscience or the feeling of remorse really exist? Sometimes self-reports represent desired rather than real experience and feeling. Given the essence of self-control, we can expect that the coherence of our social behavior with our aspirations and expectations leads to a feeling of pride, while incoherence leads to feelings of shame and guilt. Many studies in the field show that the most reliable expressions of twinges of conscience are moral emotions, especially shame and guilt (Barret, 1995; de Hooge, Zeelenberg, & Breugelmans, 2010; Lewis, Sullivan, Stanger, & Weiss, 1999). Some authors consider twinges of conscience to be an obligatory element of guilt (Tangney, Stuewig, & Hafez, 2011). The common reason for both these emotions is the discrepancy (cognitive dissonance) between one’s actual behavior (or unjustified lack of activity) and the wish to conform to one’s desired self-image and values. The subject of these emotions can be not only oneself but any member of one’s group (from a relative to a compatriot).

The differences between shame and guilt should be discussed. Shame is ex- pressed clearly: flushed face, ears, and neck; averted or sunken head; closed face or eyes; interrupted communication; avoidance of the witnesses of a transgression. Guilt is not expressed so obviously. Shame is impossible without a real or imagined audience that is critical of the agent of a transgression. One is shamed or blamed by somebody in one’s consciousness. Guilt is more oriented toward the victim of a transgression but not to betrayals. A person who has guilt feelings cares not about an observer’s assessment of the deed but about the consequences of the transgression. In the case of my wrongdoing the cognitive content of shame is focused mainly on my own self (“I am bad”) but the cognitive content of guilt is differentiated from myself and is focused on my particular actions only (“I was wrong in this situation”) (Tangney, 1995).

Some researchers consider that guilt is based on empathy with real or imagined victims of our activity (or on passivity) and presupposes concerns about issues connected with the direct or indirect responsibility for infliction of harm (Olthof, 2012; Olthof, Ferguson, Bloemers, & Deij, 2004). Hoffman (1982) proposed a differentiation of guilt and shame based on their consequences: namely, guilt promotes reparative behavior and an increase in motivation to communicate, whereas shame leads to withdrawal and a decrease in this motivation. Meta-analysis has shown that the feeling of guilt is related to the development of conscience in children and to conscientious behavior in young adults (Dost & Yagmurlu, 2008). Table 1 summarizes the differences between shame and guilt.

Table 1. Differences between shame and guilt

	Shame	Guilt
Cognitive content	«I am bad» negative identity	«I did it badly» wrongdoing
Focus of feeling and cognition	On self	On the victim and on compensation for the infliction of harm
Duration	Short-term	Long-term
Links with the situation of the transgression	Field dependence (concerns about others’ opinions)	Field independence
Expression	Flushed face, ears, and neck; averted or sunken head; closed face or eyes; interrupted communication	No constant pattern
Possible consequences	Social acceptance, desire to improve one’s imageSocial avoidance, feelings of inferiority and loneliness, social anxiety, hostility, and aggression	Social approach, inclination to correct situation, compensation, depression

Lewis considered individual differences in affective style depending on preferences to feel shame or guilt in appropriate situations of moral transgression (Lewis, 1971). These differences, in their turn, lead to different types of dysfunctions. Inclination to shame is linked to vulnerability to affective dysfunctions (depression, anger, narcissism), but inclination to guilt is linked to vulnerability to cognitive dysfunctions (paranoia, obsessive -compulsive disorders).

At the same time, we should take into account that a long-term feeling of guilt leads to depression. Zahn-Waxler discussed adaptive guilt as an action-oriented, conscious feeling accompanied by making reparations and helping others, and maladaptive guilt as an excessive, self-critical feeling accompanied by a sense of responsibility for everything that goes wrong (Zahn-Waxler, & Kochanska, 1990). Some scales have been elaborated for the measurement of long-term or chronic feelings of guilt (Harder, Cutler, & Rockart, 1992; Kugler & Jones, 1992). When one widens the zone of one’s activities, criticism increases the probability of fixation on negative self-image, self-condemnation, and self-punishment. Research data from a sample of college students showed no significant link between experiencing predis-positional guilt and psychological problems such as those with somatic, obsessive- compulsive, anxious, and paranoid symptoms; but they did show a positive link between chronic guilt and these symptoms, including depression (Quiles & Bybee, 1997). Taking into account the longer duration and larger depth of guilt, it is understandable that patients with strong depression show higher correlations with guilt than with shame (Alexander, Brewin, Vearnals, Wolff, & Leff, 1999). Relatives of schizophrenic patients demonstrated a guilty conscience (negative self-esteem, because of their belief that they were morally wrong, and self-condemnation), which was positively linked with their depression, suffering, and failure to cope with these feelings (Boye, Bentsen, & Malt, 2002). In other words, the feeling of guilt did not help but rather shaped in these relatives a neurotic circle.

A functional approach to emotion leads us to an understanding of the constructive role of shame too. The expression of shame is a good signal of the negative estimation of one’s behavior and the readiness to eliminate such socially unattractive behavior. These signals can prevent others’ aggression (Ferguson, 2005; Gilbert & McGuire, 1998). Acceptance of one’s wrongdoing together with elements of the expression of shame leads to the appeasement of the injured party and forgiveness (Keltner & Harker, 1998). At the same time, verbal apologies, such as “I was ashamed remembering my behavior yesterday,” are not always accompanied by a feeling of shame. Sometimes these phrases represent our acceptance of moral norms and not our real attitude toward a transgression.

Often the blushing of a transgressor in comparison with the neutral face of a transgressor leads to a higher appraisal from observers (Dijk, de Jong, & Peters, 2009). The reason for such an appraisal is the perception of blushing as an involuntary, sincere reaction of the transgressor that promises a correction of behavior and the prevention of future transgressions (de Jong, 1999; Gold & Weiner, 2000). In its turn, strong blushing shows a reaction to a possibly unpleasant perception of a person by significant observers, a perception the person finds it difficult to accept. Some researchers label this phenomenon negative identity (Ferguson, Eyre, & Ashbaker, 2000; Olthof et al., 2004).

A person’s anticipation of feeling shame or guilt can be a serious obstacle to amoral behavior (Olthof, 2012). Students’ feelings of shame were negatively linked with the desire to drink or to filch in a store (Tibbetts, 1997). These data show that the feeling of shame has an adaptive function in the understanding and correction of wrong actions (Dost & Yagmurlu, 2008). When there is a strong differentiation of shame and guilt, both emotions are negatively linked with antisocial behavior (Menesini & Camodeca, 2008), but only the feeling of guilt can predict prosocial behavior in cases of school violence (Olthof, 2012).

Qualitative and quantitative analysis of autobiographical narratives on the feelings of shame and guilt (N = 23, Ma = 24.5), using χ2 of association, showed a stronger desire to improve one’s image in the case of shame than in the case of guilt. The same priority in the case of shame was given to desiring to keep close or to abate, striving to escape from a situation, being concerned about others’ opinions, striving to change the image of a situation. These were predicted on the basis of previous studies. In the phenomenology of guilt, the fear of not acting in accordance with one’s desires and acceptance of the inadequacy of one’s actions were higher than in the phenomenology of shame (Breslavs, 2007). It appears that retrospective narratives about experienced shame for particular actions can be identified as expressing the feeling of guilt, not of shame.

These data showed that, in a situation of transgression, for a feeling of shame to develop the public situation as such is not critical but the opinion of a significant observer is critical. If we believe that this observer considered our behavior a transgression, a cognitive dissonance arises. The second obligatory aspect of shame is the content of this dissonance. It is not a particular but a general dissonance between the ideal self and global self-esteem. Both aspects are interdependent (Wolf, Cohen, Panter, & Insko, 2010), and this interdependence can be explained by social perception. We are able to take into account that people around us judge our image and actions quickly and superficially, sometimes using insignificant elements of our behavior. It is understandable that people are inclined to feel shame in prestigious and responsible situations (official parties, conferences, the bestowal of honors, and so forth). Transgressions in these situations can destroy a person’s reputation, and emotional anticipation in the form of shame can mobilize the self- correction process.

Using R. Lazarus’s model of two stages of cognitive appraisal, de Hooge and colleagues (2010) proposed two possible consequences of the feeling of shame: approach when the renovation of reputation is estimated as more or less possible, and avoidance when the renovation of reputation is estimated as very dangerous or impossible. If shame represents concern about one’s marred reputation, the emergence of the motivation to renovate one’s self-image is understandable. In its turn, the motivation to renovate one’s self-image can result in mitigation-at-any-cost (self-defense), or it can be prosocial (apologies and compensation to victims). Only the prosocial version can be related to twinges of conscience.

The secondary stage of a moral transgression can be (1) condemnation by significant others or (2) understanding of one’s weakness (Gausel & Leach, 2011). The first possibility was related by Gaisel and Leach to concerns about one’s social image, while the second possibility was related to concerns about self-image. Condemnation by significant others leads to avoiding contact with others and a feeling of inferiority. Understanding one’s weakness has two possible results: (1) if negative self-esteem is global (“I am bad”), it results in a feeling of inferiority and avoidance of traumatic social contacts; (2) if this appraisal is specific and particular (“I have no good skills in the field”), it results in self-improvement. In these differentiations the borderline between social image and self-image remains unclear because our weakness worries us in the context of social relationships only. A mirror for us is a tool for the control of social perception as well as a tool for self-control.

How adaptive guilt and shame are depends on the subject matter and duration of these emotions (Breslav, 1977). The subject matter of shame and guilt depends on: (a) the agent of the transgression (oneself, a friend, a relative, members of one’s in-group or nation); (b) the burden of the transgression (failure in sports, tardiness, a white lie, aspersion, or violence); (c) how reversible the transgression is (the availability of opportunities to correct outcomes); (d) whether the transgression is intentional or unintentional, random; (e) how particular or general the transgression is (lack of skills in a particular field or general disability); (f) who the victims and observers of the transgression are. Critical for the feeling of shame is the significance of the transgression’s observers and the probable loss of reputation, while for the feeling of guilt the critical factor is the harm to the victims. Figure 1 presents a general model of these emotions.

Figure 1. General model of moral emotions (guilt and shame)

The duration of these emotions is different and can be of adaptive value. Shame, as the more painful and expressive emotion, is a short-term feeling. When coping with cognitive dissonance through a reappraisal of the situation—for example, by the transfer of responsibility from oneself to others—shame can be changed into resentment or anger with subsequent aggression. The reappraisal of a transgression can minimize the burden of wrongdoing (for example, “it is common to all people”); such minimization weakens moral emotions. If a person fails to minimize cognitive dissonance through reappraisal, shame can turn into long-lasting guilt. If this feeling of guilt does not lead to compensation for the inflicted harm—in particular, when this harm is irreversible (death or loss of health)—the outcome of the accumulation of guilt can be more destructive than the outcome of shame (Wolf et al., 2010)

Conscience is the set of faculties that allows one to participate in the social world by balancing one’s needs and desires with those of others. Conscience is evident in behavior that is consistent with an individual’s own moral standards. Often, at the core of these standards is a value of the rights and welfare of others. Conscience is expressed both through doing (e.g., giving one’s bus seat to someone who looks tired) and not doing (e.g., not taking a friend’s toy). A key feature of conscience is that it sustains moral functioning independent of external intervention (e.g., by parents, police). Current understanding of conscience has roots in Sigmund Freud’s theory of the struggle between superego and id and Emile Durkheim’s description of internalized morality as self-restraint, the precedence of social engagement over egoism, and autonomous reflection based on standards of conduct.

Conscience integrates capacities for emotional arousal, mental representation, and behavioral self-regulation. The emotional features of conscience include self-focused and other-oriented arousal that reinforces and motivates acceptable behavior and punishes and inhibits inappropriate behavior. Self-focused emotion includes negative (e.g., guilt) and positive (e.g., pride) arousal, dependent on whether one’s behavior contradicts or promotes internal standards. For example, violation of one’s principles results in guilt and remorse that is unpleasant. This negative emotion discourages future violations and may be assuaged through corrective action. Importantly, the self-focused emotion component of conscience does not depend on immediate external consequences and thus differs from, for example, the fear of being caught. Other-oriented emotional arousal, coupled with the ability to take others’ perspectives, is another feature of conscience. This empathic component prompts awareness of the effects of one’s actions on the feelings of others and elicits emotional arousal (e.g., concern), both of which influence behavior choices.

The mental representation component of conscience allows one to store and reference prototypes of moral conduct. Such representations are based on direct articulation and modeling of values and appropriate behavior (e.g., by parents). These also are gleaned from experiences with, for example, misbehavior, altruism,  disciplinary  encounters,  and  associated emotional arousal. In this way, conscience formation is unique to one’s particular assimilation of life experiences and socialization.

A central component of conscience is the capacity for impulse control, attention, and sustained effort, known as behavioral self-regulation. This capacity reflects executive brain functioning, rather than the popular notions of simple motivation or self-control. Without adequate self-regulation, the other components of conscience may not be consistently expressed in moral behavior. Such has been found in some studies of aggressive children, who did not differ from nonaggressive children on knowledge of rules or capacities for empathy or guilt. Instead, some of these children’s difficulties were explained by less mature executive functioning that seemed to thwart the expression of their more mature faculties.

The features of conscience work in concert: A failure to regulate a selfish impulse may injure a friend, activating empathic concern, awareness of a standard violation, and self-censure through guilt. The process of development in these features is captured by the term internalization. This includes an inward transition of behavioral control from external to internal regulation, a growing sense that standards governing behavior are self-generated rather than externally imposed, and increased attribution of anxiety associated with rule breaking to internal rather than external causes. Notably, the development of conscience is undermined by some discipline strategies, such as physical punishment, that focus children’s attention on external causes of emotional discomfort and reasons for compliance. Conscience is best fostered through discipline that teaches the reasons for moral behavior and the consequences of one’s behavior for others. For example, the reason that lying is wrong is because it takes advantage of others and hurts friendships, not because it results in a spanking. Positive parenting practices support the development of conscience and sustain moral functioning in the absence of external forces—that is, when no one is looking.

References:

1. Berkowitz, W., & Grych, J. H. (1998). Fostering goodness: Teaching parents to facilitate children’s moral development. Journal  of  Moral  Education,  27(3),  371–391.
2. Retrieved from http://parenthood.library.wisc.edu/Berkowitz/Berkohtml
3. Grusec, J. , & Kuczynski, L. (1997). Parenting and children’s internalization of values: A handbook of contemporary theory. New York: Wiley.
4. Rich, J. M., & DeVitis, J. L. (1994). Theories of moral development (2nd ). Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.
5. Turiel, (1998). The development of morality. In W. Damon & N. Eisenberg (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3. Social,  emotional,  and  personality  development (5th ed., pp. 863–932). New York: Wiley

How does the conscious differ from the conscience? These two terms are sometimes confused in common everyday usage, but they actually mean very different things within the field of psychology. Let’s take a closer look at what each term means and how you can distinguish between the two concepts.

What Is Conscience?

Your conscience is the part of your personality that helps you determine between right and wrong and keeps you from acting upon your most basic urges and desires. It is what makes you feel guilty when you do something bad and good when you do something kind. Your conscience is the moral basis that helps guide prosocial behavior and leads you to behave in socially acceptable and even altruistic ways.

In Freudian theory, the conscience is part of the superego that contains information about what is viewed as bad or negative by your parents and by society—all the values you learned and absorbed during your upbringing. The conscience emerges over time as you absorb information about what is considered right and wrong by your caregivers, your peers, and the culture in which you live.

What Is Conscious?

Your conscious is your awareness of yourself and the world around you. In the most general terms, it means being awake and aware. Some experts suggest that you are considered conscious of something if you are able to put it into words.

Your consciousness refers to your conscious experiences, your individual awareness of your own internal thoughts, feelings, memories, and sensations. Consciousness is often thought of as a stream, constantly shifting according to the ebb and flow of your thoughts and experiences of the world around you.

In psychology, the conscious mind includes everything inside of your awareness including:

• Fantasies
• Feelings
• Memories
• Perceptions
• Thoughts

“Consciousness is generally defined as awareness of your thoughts, actions, feelings, sensations, perceptions, and other mental processes,” explain psychologists Douglass A. Bernstein, Louis A. Penner, and Edward Roy. “This definition suggests that consciousness is an aspect of many mental processes rather than being a mental process on its own. For example, memories can be conscious, but consciousness is not just memory. Perceptions can be conscious, but consciousness is not just perception.”¹

According to Freud’s psychoanalytic theory of personality, which likens the mind to an iceberg. The part of the iceberg that can be seen above the surface of the water represents conscious awareness. It is what we are aware of and can describe and articulate clearly. The largest part of the iceberg actually lies below the surface of the water, which Freud compared to the unconscious mind, or all the thoughts, memories, and urges that are outside of our conscious awareness.

When thinking about these two concepts, just remember that conscious means to be awake and aware while conscience means your inner sense of right and wrong.How Psychology Explains Consciousness

A Word From Verywell

The conscious and consciousness can be difficult to pin down. As the psychologist and philosopher William James once explained, “Its meaning we know so long as no one asks us to define it.”²

While the two terms are often confused, the conscious and the conscience refer to very different things. Your conscious allows you to be aware of your place in the world, while your conscience allows you to behave in this world in morally and socially acceptable ways.

As described above, conscious is your awareness of yourself and the world around you. Your conscience is your ability to distinguish between what is right and what is wrong

Conscience or the so-called conscience is a person’s ability to distinguish whether an action is wrong or right, or to distinguish between what is right and what is wrong, and it is that which leads to a feeling of remorse when the things that an individual does conflict with his moral values, and to a sense of righteousness or integrity when Actions conform to moral values, and here the matter may differ as a result of the difference in the environment, the upbringing, or the concept of morality for each person .

The modern scientific interpretation of the conscience 

Interpreted modern in the field of humanities scholars of age , psychology and neuroscience conscience that the function of the brain that have evolved human to facilitate altruism and mutual ( English Altruism) or behavior directed by the individual to help others in the performance of their jobs or their needs without expecting any reward , and that within their communities. The conscience is a description and word that embodies a mass and a group of feelings, feelings, principles and values ​​that govern and captivate a person so that his behavior is good, respectful with others, he feels for them, maintains their feelings, does not oppress them, and takes into account their rights.

Why does the conscience disappear 

The conscience is a tangible thing inside the hearts. When the heart is overwhelmed with darkness, arrogance, vanity and deception, ego and desires rise above the voice of the conscience and the voice of the conscience becomes almost absent

If the voice of the ana rises over the conscience, sympathy is gone to the little one, so if the voice of the ana rises over the conscience, the sense of the old man is gone.

What are the ways to restore the pulse of conscience? 

• Determination not to return, or only to think that he will be drowning in darkness and the qualities that he describes as arrogant
• To learn more about the importance of conscience in life
• Looking at wars and activating feelings may increase the return of conscience
• Seeing your future and those around you to be loved, not rejected

Conscience in philosophy 

A composite of emotional experiences based on a person’s understanding of the moral responsibility of his behavior in society, and an individual’s own appreciation for his actions and behavior. The pronoun is not a birth attribute, but rather is determined by a person’s position in society, his life circumstances, his upbringing, and so on. The conscience is closely related to the duty, and one feels – with his awareness that he has completely fulfilled his duty – that he is a clear conscience, while the violation of duty is accompanied by the prongs of reprimand. And conscience, in its positive response to the demands of society, is a powerful driving force for the moral discipline of the individual. ^[1]

Conscience in psychology 

The psychology of the conscience is distinguished by the following characteristics:

• The conscience is an evaluative psychological apparatus related to the ego, so a person is concerned with evaluating himself by himself as he receives other people’s evaluations for what comes out of him from his actions.
• The conscience is characterized by comprehensiveness: it does not limit itself to evaluating one aspect of the personality, but rather deals with the personality as a whole
• Conscience deals with the past, present, and future: it does not blame its owner for what he issued from him in the past only, but rather he holds him accountable for what he does in the present time, for what he will do in the future
• The conscience may exaggerate in sluggishness and may exaggerate in cruelty: the conscience may be together or it may deviate either to dullness and lethargy, or to rhetoric in estimating errors
• The conscience may be individual and it may be collective: a person in his personal life and his relations with others and himself has an individual conscience, but the conscience may expand to include a group of people that may be limited or may extend to include an entire people, for example when a people’s army is defeated by another army, the people’s conscience may He revolts and may stage a coup against his rulers ^[2]

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Every year, around 250,000 people in the United States are victimized by hate crimes—crimes based in bigotry and biases that terrorize people because of who they are or what they believe.¹ Not only are these crimes usually targeted at minority groups, but they also rip apart the unity of our communities.

With so much destruction left in their wake, what motivates someone to engage in this type of hate-filled violence? The reasons are complex and multi-faceted. Here’s a closer look at hate crimes in the United States as well as the psychology behind them.

What Is a Hate Crime?

According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), a hate crime is a violent crime intended to harm or intimidate people or damage their property because of their race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, gender identity, disability, religion, or other minority group status.²

Sometimes referred to as bias crimes, hate crimes are perpetrated by people who believe they are justified in acting out violently.

Some scholars believe the term “hate crime” is outdated and inaccurate because what causes people to act is rarely limited to hate alone. Instead, it’s a lethal mix of emotions ranging from from anger and fear to animosity and indignation. In fact, according to the FBI, hate alone is not a crime but instead an added component of offenses like murder, arson, vandalism, and assault.²

It’s also important to note that not all violence motivated by hate will be charged with a hate crime. For instance, according to the Anti-Defamation League, higher-level felonies like murder already have serious consequences, and the perpetrator is often not charged with a penalty involving a “lesser” sentencing.³

Why People Commit Hate Crimes

According to the American Psychological Association, “hate crimes are an extreme form of prejudice that is made more likely in the context of political and social change.”⁴

For instance, political bullying and discourse can lead people to devalue others that they know very little about, especially if they feel like their livelihood or way of life is being threatened (even when this is unsubstantiated by reality).

Likewise, they note that offenders aren’t necessarily motivated by hate, but instead may be fearful or angry instead. Ultimately, these feelings can lead them to dehumanize unfamiliar groups of people and target them with aggression.⁴

Additionally, people tend to view groups of people that they’re not a part of as more homogeneous than their own group. In other words, when they see someone from a minority group, they are less likely to see them as an individual and more likely to apply biases.

They assume they know what the person is like and never really see them apart from the group. Consequently, these assumptions along with prejudices and stereotypes can become the foundations for hate crimes.

Motivating Factors of Hate Crimes

When it comes to understanding the psychology behind hate crimes, law enforcement agencies like the FBI often cite a study conducted by sociologists Jack McDevitt and Jack Levin.

In their study, McDevitt and Levin identified four primary motivations of people who commit hate crimes. These motivating factors include thrill-seeking, defensive, retaliating, and mission-oriented behaviors.⁵ Here is a closer look at each motivating factor.

Thrill-Seeking Offenders

Driven by an imbalanced need for excitement and drama, these offenders are often people seeking to stir up trouble. Many times, there is no real reason for their crimes. They are simply interested in the rush of excitement they get from wreaking havoc on the lives on others, especially those who can’t defend themselves.

For this reason, they gravitate toward people who are more vulnerable because of their race, sexual identity, gender, or religious background. They also typically believe that society doesn’t care what happens to these victims. They may even believe others will applaud their attacks.

When it comes to thrill-seeking offenders, they are responsible for 66% of the hate crimes in the United States according to the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC).⁶ What’s more, in 90% of cases, those who commit these types of crimes don’t even know their victims.

Defensive Offenders

When it comes to defensive offenders, these attackers see themselves as defending something important to them—like their communities, their workplaces, their religion, or their country. Unlike the thrill-seekers who attack their victims by chance and without warning, defensive offenders target and victimize specific people.

Defenders also rationalize and justify their actions as necessary steps in order to provide protection and keep threats from materializing. And, just like thrill-seekers, they show little or no remorse for their actions.

Instead, they feel justified. They also believe that most of society supports what they do but are just too afraid to act.

Overall, defensive offenders are responsible for 25% of the hate crimes in the U.S. They rationalize their attacks by identifying some sort of threat to themselves, their identities, or their communities.⁶

A former New Jersey police chief, Frank Nucera Jr., is an example of a defensive offender who injured a Black teenager while in police custody. He shouted a racist claim that Black people were part of ISIS and that Donald Trump was the last hope for whites.

Retaliatory Offenders

Motivated by revenge, these offenders are often motivated by something that happened in their lives. Either they were victimized personally or they witnessed an incident involving hate or terrorism and that has been the catalyst for their crime.

Additionally, they often act alone and target those affiliated in some way to the original offenders. For instance, the retaliatory offender’s target may be of the same race or religion as those they blame for something else, but who had nothing to do with the original crime.

With retaliatory attacks, offenders are acting out in response to a real or perceived crime committed against themselves or others.⁶ These attacks comprise 8% of the hate crimes committed each year.

An example of retaliatory offenders could be seen after the 9/11 attacks. Hate crimes against Arabs and Muslims rose exponentially following 9/11.

Mission Offenders

While this type of hate crime is rare — representing only 1% of the hate crimes committed — it is often the most hate-filled and violent. These offenders make a career out their hate and often write at length about their feelings. They also usually have elaborate, premeditated plans of attack.⁶

The people who commit these crimes are often connected to groups that share their views and see themselves as crusaders for a race, religion, or political cause. Their goal is to wage war against their perceived enemies.

Overall, mission offenders write lengthy manifestos, visit hate websites that support their views, and are willing to travel in order to target people at specific sites or locations. Because these offenders believe that the system is rigged against them, they feel justified in attacking innocent people.

Additionally, their crimes often look a great deal like terrorism. Consequently, scholars often believe that the two extremes often overlap. For instance, white supremacist Dylan Roof who killed nine people in a predominately Black church in Charleston and Omar Mateen who killed 49 people at a gay nightclub in Orlando would both be considered mission offenders.

A Word From Verywell

Unfortunately, hate is prevalent in the United States. But it doesn’t have to be that way. You can help put an end to hate crimes, by speaking out against biases, prejudices, and stereotypes. After all, understanding and appreciating one another as individuals — rather than dehumanizing people — is the first step toward ending hate in this country.

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What Are the Effects of Hate Crimes?

People victimized by violent hate crimes are more likely to experience more psychological distress than victims of other violent crimes.ⁱⁱ Specifically, victims of crimes that are bias-motivated are more likely to experience post-traumatic stress, safety concerns, depression, anxiety and anger than victims of crimes that are not motivated by bias.^iii,iv,v

Hate crimes send messages to members of the victim’s group that they are unwelcome and unsafe in the community, victimizing the entire group and decreasing feelings of safety and security.^vi,vii Furthermore, witnessing discrimination against one’s own group can lead to psychological distress and lower self-esteem.^viii

What Leads to Hate Crimes?

Hate crimes are an extreme form of prejudice, made more likely in the context of social and political change. Public and political discourse may devalue members of unfamiliar groups,^ix and offenders may feel that their livelihood or way of life is threatened by demographic changes.^x Offenders may not be motivated by hate, but rather by fear, ignorance or anger. These can lead to dehumanization of unfamiliar groups and to targeted aggression.^xi,xii

How Prevalent Are Hate Crimes?

• The FBI reported 7,145 hate crimes in 2017;^xiii however, the majority of hate crimes are never reported, so these data underestimate the true pervasiveness.^xiv
• Reported hate crimes in 2017 were motivated by hostility based on race/ethnicity (58.1 percent), religion (22.0 percent), sexual orientation (15.9 percent), gender identity (.6 percent) and disability (1.6 percent). Hate crimes targeted Jewish, African-American and LGBT communities at high rates.

Psychological research has shown that prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination can have adverse effects on both the targets and the perpetrators.—Antonio E. Puente, PhD, 2017 APA President

The American Psychological Association Condemns All Hate Crimes

APA supports the efforts of researchers, law enforcement, clinicians, teachers and policy-makers to reduce the prevalence of hate crimes and to alleviate their effects upon victims.^xix We can address hate crimes through the following prevention and intervention policies and programs:

• Support implementation of the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act and full funding for the Department of Justice’s  Civil Rights Division, Office for Victims of Crime and Community Relations Service.
• Enact hate crime laws in states lacking legislation and strengthen laws in others, incorporating race, religion, ethnicity/national origin, sexual orientation, gender, gender identity and disability.^xx
• Follow law-enforcement and community guidelines outlined by campaigns such as ‘Building Stronger, Safer Communities’ and ‘Not in Our Town.’

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The Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program generates reliable statistics for use in law enforcement. It also provides information for students of criminal justice, researchers, the media, and the public. The program has been providing crime statistics since 1930.

The UCR Program includes data from more than 18,000 city, university and college, county, state, tribal, and federal law enforcement agencies. Agencies participate voluntarily and submit their crime data either through a state UCR program or directly to the FBI’s UCR Program.

National Incident-Based Reporting System 

The National Incident-Based Reporting System, or NIBRS, implemented to improve the overall quality of crime data collected by law enforcement. It captures details on each single crime incident—as well as on separate offenses within the same incident. The historic Summary Reporting System (SRS) data collection, which collects more limited information than the more robust NIBRS, was phased out to make UCR a NIBRS-only data collection as of Jan. 1, 2021.

Hate Crime Statistics 

The Hate Crime Statistics Program provides information on crimes motivated by offenders’ bias against race, gender, gender identity, religion, disability, sexual orientation, and ethnicity. These data are also collected via NIBRS.

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